Closer to 50% between Last Database both options, while in the 2017 presidential election Piñera reached 75% there. With the exception of a possible ecological fallacy, this is consistent with the results of the polls and shows that even within the elite –and the Last Database classic right-wing electorate– there is a segment that is convinced of constitutional change. The second element to consider is that the magnitude of the defeat of the "Rejection" option can confuse Last Database us regarding the fact that it had a heterogeneous representation in different areas of.
The country, which also raises Last Database doubts about the territorial distribution of these supports and how they would behave in an eventual election to the constitutional convention. Strictly speaking, the important thing is to understand that the defeat of the right is not so much Last Database because it has been reduced as because it has been divided. And in a fairly easy way it can be brought together again by virtue of electoral objectives. Polarization or isolation Now, this difference between the richest sectors of the country and the rest Last Database should not be ignored. As stated above, this difference has been reflected in electoral results virtually since the return to democracy.
Without Last Database going any further, while 56% of the population in Chile voted to end the dictatorship in 1988, the former 23rd district, made up of the same communes mentioned (Vitacura, Las Condes and Lo Barnechea) showed 59% preferences for the stay of the Last Database dictator in power for another eight years. In Chile, both on the electoral and social levels, the elite has been against the grain of the rest of the population. In recent years, various analysts have Last Database emphasized the existence of a growing political polarization in Chile. To do this, they usually use as a reference the debate of the political elites, the discussions.